Political Calculations
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10 June 2015

The Affordable Care Act (ACA), perhaps best known as Obamacare, has many problems. But for all its problems, one aspect of it has been widely proclaimed by the program's biggest supporters to be the most successful aspect of it in the states where it has been implemented. As we're about to show you however, the thing that has been most successful about it is directly contributing to its doom.

The aspect to which we're referring is the ACA's expansion of state Medicaid program eligibility, which allows states that choose to expand their Medicaid health care welfare programs to enroll Americans who earn up to 138% of the federal poverty level in them. By contrast, states that choose to not expand their Medicaid welfare programs continue to only enroll Americans whose annual income places them at or below 100% of the federal poverty level. The map below, which we've excerpted from a FamiliesUSA infographic, identifies the states that have and have not expanded their Medicaid enrollment to date.

Source: FamiliesUSA - http://familiesusa.org/sites/default/files/product_documents/FUSA_INFOGRAPHIC_50state-medicaid-expansion_FINAL_042315.png

Beyond allowing this expansion of state Medicaid programs, the Affordable Care Act also intended to provide access to federal government subsidies for health insurance coverage for Americans earning up to 400% of the federal poverty level. Those Americans would only be able to obtain this subsidized coverage by enrolling in the health insurance plans that would be available through the Affordable Care Act "marketplace" (or ACA exchange) for their state.

The health insurance plans that would be provided through these ACA exchanges would be differentiated by the percentage of costs of health care they would cover, with different tiers of coverage, each represented by a different metal, covering different percentages of health care expenses. Our table below helps illustrate how those coverage levels might apply to the health insurance costs of a 27-year old in 2014.

Affordable Care Act Coverage Levels and Average Unsubsidized Health Insurance Costs for Age 27 Individual in 2014
"Metal" Plan Percentage of Health Care Costs Paid by Insurance After Consumer Pays Deductible Annual Deductible Annual Premium (Without Subsidies) Annual Premium (With Average $1,175 Subsidy)
Platinum 90% $347 $5,079 $3,904
Gold 80% $1,277 $4,145 $2,970
Silver 70% $2,907 $3,286 $2,111
Bronze 60% $5,081 $2,752 $1,577
Catastrophic 50% $6,350 $2,206 $1,031

In selecting a particular level of coverage, an individual who could reasonably expect to be healthy would benefit by obtaining the lowest-tier plans (catastrophic, Bronze, Silver), which would potentially reduce their out-of-pocket expenses by the greatest amount. An individual who reasonably expects to have high health care costs however would benefit by enrolling in the highest-tier plans, (Gold and Platinum), since those plans would effectively pre-pay their expected health care expenses and then have the insurance cover the amount above and beyond their plan's deductible.

We can demonstrate the benefit of enrolling in the highest-tier plans for an individual expecting to have high health care expenses in the following table, which shows what a hypothetical 27-year old could expect to pay out of pocket if they had at least $7,500 worth of health care expenses in 2014.

What If That 27-Year Old Had $7,500 in Actual Health Care Costs?
"Metal" Plan Health Care Expenses Not Paid by Insurance Combined Health Insurance and Health Care Expenses (Without Subsidies) Combined Health Insurance and Health Care Expenses (With Average $1,175 Subsidy)
Platinum $1,062 $6,141 $4,966
Gold $2,522 $6,667 $5,492
Silver $4,285 $7,571 $6,396
Bronze $6,049 $8,801 $7,626
Catastrophic $6,925 $9,131 $7,956

In this table, we've shaded the background of the cells in which the combined cost of subsidized or unsubsidized health insurance exceeded the actual $7,500 that our hypothetical 27-year old incurred in health care expenses in red. The unshaded cells are those for which it would make sense for such an individual to have the indicated level of health insurance coverage.

That factor became immediately relevant when we recently reviewed the 31 March 2015 report on the ACA's enrollment by metal plan type and dug deeper into the enrollment by metal plan type at the state level, which is presented in Table 3 of the report.

We separated each of the states into two categories: those that had expanded the eligibility for their state Medicaid programs under the terms of the Affordable Care Act and those that did not. The chart below reveals what we found for the percentage enrollment by Obamacare metal plan type for both groups.

Medicaid Expansion Contributes to Adverse Selection in ACA Exchanges, 31 March 2015

In this chart, we observe that the states that did not expand their Medicaid programs have a much larger share of their ACA-enrollment occurring in the lower-tier metal plans that would tend to be favored by healthier individuals. Meanwhile, in the states that expanded the enrollment of their Medicaid programs under the law, we find that a significantly larger portion of their ACA enrollments were in the plans that would be favored by less healthy individuals.

In fact, we see that in Medicaid expansion states, 13.2% of their ACA enrollment occurred in the highest-tier Gold and Platinum level plans, while non-Medicaid expansion states saw 7.7% of their enrollment for these highest tiers of health insurance coverage.

The seemingly small 5.5% difference between these two figures becomes exceptionally significant when you consider how extremely concentrated health care expenditures are in the United States, where just 5% of U.S. patients are responsible for generating 50% of all health care spending in the nation.

Top 5% of Spenders Account for 50% of All Health Care Expenditures - Source: NIHCM - http://www.nihcm.org/concentration-of-health-care-spending-chart-story

Because of that concentration of spending, the ACA exchanges in Medicaid-expansion states are much more at risk of what's called adverse selection, which is also called a death spiral. Here, because ACA exchange health insurers in these states have too high a percentage of their customer base having such high covered medical expenses, they are in the situation where they must significantly increase their prices (premiums) to cover their costs. But when they do so, they negatively affect the healthier consumers they need to buy health insurance, even though those consumers don't have the health care expenses that would justify their paying higher health insurance premiums.

As a result, a number of those healthier consumers choose to drop their health insurance coverage, as it does not provide enough of a benefit to them to justify paying its cost - and it's certainly a lot less costly for them to pay the Obamacare income tax instead. But the insurers still have to cover the costs of health care for their comparatively unhealthy enrollees, creating the need to further increase health insurance prices. That dynamic creates an adverse feedback loop, with a cycle of health insurance price hikes and dropping enrollment by healthy consumers, where ultimately, the ACA health insurers reach the point where they cannot afford to continue selling health insurance, so they themselves drop out of the market.

The reason why Medicaid-expansion states have this increased risk for adverse selection turns out to completely contradict what a number of economists, think tanks and journalists believe: that non-Medicaid expansion states would develop the problem of adverse selection for their state's health insurers while states that did expand their Medicaid enrollment would not, because people who would be eligible to enroll in the expanded Medicaid program are "sicker" than those with higher incomes. Real world evidence says that such a belief is completely wrong.

We can demonstrate the real world facts with a single chart and a single observation. The observation is this: younger people are healthier than older people. Now, here's the chart, in which we've shown the percential income distribution of the U.S. population by age group, indicating the 138% of federal poverty level income threshold for a single-person household in the 48 contiguous U.S. states.

U.S. Total Money Income Distribution by Age, 2012, with 138% of Federal Poverty Guidelines for 1-Person Household in the 48 Contiguous U.S. States and the District of Columbia

While we've adapted an old chart showing the income distribution by age for 2012 to illustrate our point, the data is still very close to what would apply for the present, as the income distribution of the U.S. does not change significantly from year to year and the federal poverty threshold itself is just $600 higher in 2015 than it was in 2012.

Going by this chart, we see that over 66% of the Age 15-24 population of income-earning Americans in the U.S. would qualify for the Medicaid expansion, as do nearly 28% of the Age 25-29 group and 23% of the Age 30-34 group. Americans from ages of 35 to 59 hover around the 21-22% mark, while the Age 60-64 group rises to nearly the 27% mark. Meanwhile, Americans Age 65 or older would be eligible for Medicare instead, so that portion of the population falls outside the consideration for eligibility in the Medicaid program.

That very high weighting toward the youngest, healthiest Americans in the expanded Medicaid-eligible portion of the population then is why states that expanded their Medicaid enrollment now have a much greater risk of adverse selection developing in their Obamacare exchanges. And that's the reason why the expansion of eligibility for Medicaid, which has been proclaimed to be the most successful part of the implementation of the Affordable Care Act, tips the scales against the success of Obamacare by directly contributing to its ultimate doom of death by adverse selection.

References

U.S. Census Bureau. Current Population Survey. 2012 Annual Social and Economic Supplement. PINC-01. Selected Characteristics of People 15 Years Old and Over by Total Money Income in 2011, Work Experience in 2011, Race, Hispanic Origin, and Sex. [Excel Spreadsheet]. 12 September 2012. Accessed 2 June 2015.

U.S. Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services. March 31, 2015 Effectuated Enrollment Snapshot. [Online Article]. 2 June 2015. Accessed 2 June 2015.

U.S. Department of Health and Human Services Office of Assistant Secretary for Planning and Evaluation. 2012 HHS Poverty Guidelines. 2012 Poverty Guidelines for the 48 Contiguous States and the District of Columbia. [Online Article]. Accessed 2 June 2015.

U.S. Department of Health and Human Services Office of Assistant Secretary for Planning and Evaluation. 2015 Poverty Guidelines. [PDF Document]. Accessed 2 June 2015.

Hill, S., Abdus, S., Hudson, J. and Seiden, T. Health Affairs. Adults In The Income Range For The Affordable Care Act's Medicaid Expansion Are Healthier Than Pre-ACA Enrollees. [PDF Document]. doi: 10.1377/hlthaff.2013.0743. Health Aff April 2014 vol. 33 no. 4 691-699.

National Institute for Health Care Management (NIHCM) Foundation. Health Care's 1%: The Extreme Concentration of U.S. Health Spending. [Online Article]. November 2014. Accessed 3 June 2015.

Hall of Shoddy Analysis

McIntyre, Adrianna. The Incidental Economist. Not Expanding Medicaid Could Lead to Premium Hikes on State Exchanges. 5 September 2013. Accessed 4 June 2015.

Eibner, Christine, Amado Cordova, Sarah A. Nowak, Carter C. Price, Evan Saltzman and Dulani Woods. The Affordable Care Act and Health Insurance Markets: Simulating the Effects of Regulation. Santa Monica, CA: RAND Corporation, 2013. [PDF Document]. Accessed 2 June 2015.

Journalist's Resource. How State Decisions on Expanding Medicaid Influence the Success of Insurance Marketplaces: Research Brief. [Online Article]. 12 September 2014. Accessed 2 June 2015.

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09 August 2011

Here at Political Calculations, we only get excited by the stock market if it moves more than 2% in a day. Because that size change means that something interesting is happening!

Monday, 8 August 2011 didn't disappoint. In fact, let's go back to the last time the S&P 500 peaked on 22 July 2011 just to see the full scope of what's happened since then:

S&P 500, 22 July 2011 through 8 August 2011

Since 22 July 2011, the S&P 500 has fallen by 224.34 points, or 16.69%, from 1345.02 to 1119.46. Now, let's look at the S&P 500 since 1 January 2010:

S&P 500, 1 January 2010 through 8 August 2011

We selected this time scale because our chart showing the amount of trailing year cash dividends per share expected to paid out by companies listed as part of the S&P 500 is currently set up to show that data since 1 January 2010:

Expected Future Trailing Year Dividends per Share for the S&P 500

Notice how the expected trailing year dividends for the S&P 500 are generally trending upward? That's an indication that what we're seeing is what we would describe as being a "noise event" - where factors other than changes in the future expectations of income that investors might earn from owning or holding shares of stock affect the value of stock prices.

That's important to note because this is the exact opposite of what we saw when the bottom really dropped out of the stock market beginning in January 2008. There, we would see the change in the rate of growth of dividends per share fall in advance of a proportionate change in the rate of growth of stock prices. That we're not seeing any erosion in the expected future rate of dividends per share strongly suggests that this particular market correction is indeed a noise event.

S&P 500 Accelerations of Trailing Year Dividends per Share and Average Monthly Index Value, as of 8 August 2011

As a noise event, what we're seeing isn't quite yet on par with what we saw between April 2010 and September 2010, which was strongly influenced by a rise in deflationary expectations in the period between the Federal Reserve's first and second periods of quantitative easing 1.0 (aka "QE 1.0" and "QE 2.0").

Since QE 2.0 ended on 30 June 2011, on top of the realization that the economy was not performing anywhere near as well as had previously been thought, we would suggest that what's really affecting the market is a resurgence in deflationary expectations.

The good news is that all noise events end - it's just a matter of when. And when it does, we'll point to one other thing we've learned in studying the S&P 500 through each month of its history since January 1871 - the worse the fall, the better the investing opportunity that follows.

Note that we didn't say our investment strategy was for the faint of heart. Nor did we say when such a turnaround might happen. Right now, we're just enjoying the show because the market's actually doing something interesting!

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06 August 2010
Matt Yglesias writes regarding the Chinese government's direction for banking regulators to consider the impact of a 60% reduction in Chinese home prices as part of a stress test (HT: Tyler Cowen):

Insofar as prices soared 68 period in one year, 60 percent decline doesn't sound like much of a worst-case scenario.

Let's put that in context, shall we?

Year 0: Let's say our Chinese home value is 10,000 Yuan.

Year 1: It rises in value by 68% to 16,800 Yuan.

Year 2: It crashes in value by 60%, falling to 6,720 Yuan.

To rise back to the level of 16,800 Yuan, our hypothetical home in China must increase in value by 150%. Which coincidentally, would be what it would take to make the bank's balance sheets balance out and be solvent for the loan it might have underwritten on the property.

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16 June 2009

S&P 500 Best, Worst and Average Nominal Annualized Rates of Return for Holding Periods Ranging from 1 to 130 Years, Since January 1871 One of our most popular posts ever maps the best, worst and average rates of return for investments placed in the S&P 500, or its predecessor indices and companies, since 1871. Today, we're updating that post as well as our model of those returns!

To do that, we calculated every non-inflation adjusted rate of return for various holding periods of time ranging from 1 to 130 years in duration, beginning with January 1871 and ending in May 2009, the last full month for which we have this data, on a rolling basis. We then determined the best and worst compound annual rates of return for all of these periods, as well as the average rate of return for all of the holding periods we considered. Our source data is available here.

But wait, that's not all! We went the extra mile and rebuilt our mathematical models of the best and worst nominal rates of return for all holding periods running between 1 and 130 years in length using ZunZun, significantly improving their accuracy!

But we weren't finished yet.... For us, a new mathematical model means a new tool to create, so we whipped one up:

Duration of Investing Period
Input Data Values
Holding Period [years]

Compound Annualized Rates of Return
Approximated Results Values
Best Rate of Return
Average Rate of Return
Worst Rate of Return

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12 November 2008

Bear!Yesterday, we featured a chart that shows how the sustainable component of corporate earnings, dividends, maps out the major phases of the Great Depression. Today, we're considering a related question: "What if you were an investor in the stock market through the worst of all that?"

To answer that question, we've built a tool to do the math! What we've done is to incorporate our historic data for the S&P 500 and use it to calculate the total value of a series of investments made each month in the months and years containing the worst-ever recorded period of time for investments made in the U.S. stock market.

In doing all that, we've made some assumptions for our hypothetical investment based on actual data:

  • The amount invested each month is held constant in terms of inflation. The value you enter in the tool is in constant dollars for the year in which the investment period under consideration ends.
  • The price paid each month is the average of that month's closing price per share for the S&P 500.
  • All cash dividends are fully reinvested.
  • Any commissions, fees, taxes or other transaction costs are paid by the hypothetical investor with money outside the investment.
  • The calculated investment values and the average annual rate of return presented are all adjusted for inflation. As with the amount entered, these values are presented in constant dollars for the year in which the investment period under consideration ends.

That might sound complicated, but all you need to do is enter the amount of months and years of investing before the all time bottom of the stock market was hit during the Great Depression, as well as the total number of months and years that you'd like to see the hypothetical investment run in total. Enter the inflation adjusted amount that you would invest in the S&P 500 each month, and we'll do the rest!

As for our default data, there's really nothing special about it. The default data is simply set up to correspond with a period of time consistent with the stock market hitting rock bottom just three years before a hypothetical investor might choose to retire and pull all their accumulated funds out of the market after a long career....

Investing Period Preceding All Time Stock Market Bottom Data
Description Years Months
Length of Time to Invest Before All Time Stock Market Bottom
Total Length of Time to Invest
Investment Data
Description Value
Inflation-Adjusted Amount to Invest Each Month*

Investing Period Data, Ending with Date of All Time Stock Market Bottom
Time Period for Investment Beginning Date Ending Date
Beginning, Ending Dates for Investing Period
Investment Values with Dividend Reinvestment at All Time Stock Market Bottom
Description Investment Value Total Invested Gain [+] or Loss [-] Rate of Return
Inflation-Adjusted Investment Values at All Time Stock Market Bottom*
* Investment values are adjusted for inflation to be current for the Ending Date.

In playing with the numbers coinciding with the stock market hitting its all time rock bottom during the Great Depression, we found that our hypothetical investor would be in the red for investments of 15 years and 3 months or shorter. With an investing period of at least 15 years and 4 months or greater, our hypothetical investor would at the least have the full amount of the money they invested, and frequently, a nice return - especially if they had been investing for much longer periods of time before the onset of the Great Depression!

Speaking of which, let's see next how much the investment you entered would be worth if you let it run for the full term you entered:

Full Investing Period Data
Time Period for Investment Beginning Date Ending Date
Beginning, Ending Dates for Investing Period
Investment Values with Dividend Reinvestment at End of Full Investing Period
Description Investment Value Total Invested Gain [+] or Loss [-] Rate of Return
Inflation-Adjusted Investment Values at End of Full Investing Period*
* Investment values are adjusted for inflation to be current for the Ending Date.

In using this tool, you'll want to tweak the time periods that you enter - you'd be amazed at how much a difference just six months might make!

For an upcoming project, we'll compare this worst actual case of stock market investing with an alternative investment!

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About Political Calculations

Welcome to the blogosphere's toolchest! Here, unlike other blogs dedicated to analyzing current events, we create easy-to-use, simple tools to do the math related to them so you can get in on the action too! If you would like to learn more about these tools, or if you would like to contribute ideas to develop for this blog, please e-mail us at:

ironman at politicalcalculations

Thanks in advance!

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